His answer on PIP. Delray Beach, September 2, 2026.

Byron Donalds needs to study it.

Florida has been studying it since 1972.

Fifty-four years. Five filed repeal attempts. One bill that reached the Governor's desk and was vetoed. And a state regulator publishing rate filings that show Florida auto premiums falling right now — down 6.5% in 2025 and 8% so far in 2026 — under the very system repeal would eliminate. The studies exist. The question is whether anyone will read them before Florida drivers pay for the answer.

This is not a new idea. It is a repeatedly rejected one.

Every argument for repeal has been made before. Every warning against it has been made before. Nothing about the underlying problem has changed, and nothing about the proposed fix has changed either. Here is the actual record.

  • 1972

    Florida adopts no-fault. Drivers carry Personal Injury Protection so medical bills get paid fast, regardless of who caused the crash. The $10,000 minimum has never been raised.

  • 2017

    Repeal legislation filed and dies. Then-Rep. Erin Grall is among the sponsors.

  • 2021

    The one that got through — and was stopped. SB 54 passed both chambers. Governor DeSantis vetoed it, warning it did not adequately address the problem it claimed to solve and could raise costs on Florida drivers.

  • 2022 & 2023

    Repeal filed again. Fails again. In 2023, SB 464 never moves out of committee.

  • 2025

    HB 1181 (Reps. Alvarez and Weinberger) and SB 1256 (Sen. Grall). The House bill clears two of three committees. The Senate companion is never heard. Both die.

  • 2026

    HB 769 (Rep. Weinberger) and SB 522 (Sen. Grall) — the fifth combined attempt. Neither receives a floor vote in either chamber. The session adjourns March 13, 2026 with PIP still the law.

Rates are already falling. Under the system they want to repeal.

This is the part of the argument that repeal supporters have to answer and so far have not. The Office of Insurance Regulation publishes what Florida's five largest auto insurance groups — roughly 78% of the market — are filing for. Here is the trend.

Average indicated rate change, Florida's top five auto writer groups. Source: Florida Office of Insurance Regulation. The 2026 figure is year-to-date as of February 2026; one group indicated as much as −16.5%.

80%

of Florida auto policyholders seeing lower rates for 2026, per the Insurance Commissioner

52.5%

personal auto liability loss ratio in 2025 — the lowest in Florida in 15 years, and first in the nation

49.5%

vehicle damage loss ratio in 2025, down from 112% in 2022

42

companies filed auto rate cuts in a single year, including State Farm, Progressive, GEICO, USAA, Allstate and AAA

Pinnacle Actuarial Resources, Inc. · Commissioned by the Florida Office of Insurance Regulation · Released June 14, 2021

The Impact of Repealing Personal Injury Protection Coverage in Florida

This is the study. It already exists. The state paid for it, an independent actuarial firm wrote it, and it was delivered on June 14, 2021 — while SB 54, the last successful PIP repeal, was sitting on Governor DeSantis's desk awaiting his signature. Lead author Roosevelt Mosley Jr. ran 185 pages of company-level data to answer one question: what happens to premiums if Florida repeals PIP and mandates bodily injury coverage instead?

The answer was not ambiguous.

  • +13.3% overall premium increase across all coverages — about $202 more per vehicle per year for the average driver
  • $585 → $868 per year for drivers carrying minimum coverage
  • +48.3% for drivers taking minimum bodily injury limits with no medical payments coverage
  • +77.2% for drivers taking minimum limits with $10,000 medical payments coverage
  • More uninsured drivers on Florida roads, and roughly $13 million a year in uncompensated medical care shifted onto the health system

Two weeks later, Governor DeSantis vetoed SB 54. He acknowledged the no-fault system has real flaws and that Florida's bad-faith law is deficient, but concluded the bill did not adequately address the current issues facing Florida drivers and could carry unintended consequences for the market and for consumers. That veto was not a hunch. It followed a study the state itself had ordered.

Now the part nobody running this bill wants discussed: the Legislature's own staff analysis of HB 1181 confirms that OIR has commissioned no study at all on what the current repeal bills would do to premiums. The last time Florida actually measured this, the answer was that rates go up. Since then the sponsors have refiled four more times without ordering a new measurement — and the current bills drop the medical payments coverage that SB 54 at least included.

Governor DeSantis did not just say rates would fall. He produced the filings.

That is the standard, and he set it himself. When this administration claimed the reforms were working, it pointed at Office of Insurance Regulation data that anyone could check: rate filings, loss ratios, litigation volume, refunds and dividends returned to policyholders. State Farm has cut rates three times since 2024, more than 20% in total, and returned a dividend averaging $173 per vehicle. Progressive filed an 8% decrease and refunded over $1 billion. These are documents, not talking points.

So the question for anyone proposing to repeal PIP in 2027 is not whether the current system is perfect. It plainly is not. The question is narrower and much harder: where is the equivalent filing-level evidence that repeal makes this curve keep going down?

Nobody has produced it. Not in 2017, not in 2021, not in 2025, not in 2026. The one independent actuarial study Florida actually commissioned found the opposite — premiums up 13.3% overall, and up to 77.2% for the drivers who can least afford it. If a better analysis exists, publish it and we will link to it here without editing a word.

Until then, the burden sits with repeal. You do not get to dismantle a system that is currently producing an 8% rate decrease on the strength of a promise, when the last Governor was held to the standard of proof — and met it.

If the evidence says rates go up, why does this bill keep coming back?

Follow the mechanism. Not a theory, not an accusation — the plain text of what the bill does, as described by the Legislature's own staff analysis.

Today, most injuries cannot become a pain-and-suffering lawsuit.

Florida Statute 627.737 sets a threshold. You can only recover non-economic damages — pain, suffering, mental anguish, inconvenience — if the injury involves permanent loss of an important bodily function, permanent injury, significant permanent scarring, or death. Below that line, a crash is a medical claim. Above it, a crash becomes a lawsuit.

Repeal deletes that line.

The House staff analysis of HB 1181 states it directly: repealing PIP eliminates the tort liability limitation, so an injured person could sue the at-fault driver for any damages sustained regardless of the seriousness of the injury. The bill removes the conditional exclusion of non-economic damages and permits punitive damages awards. Every fender-bender becomes a potential pain-and-suffering claim.

And surgery is what moves the number.

Under the current threshold, a surgical procedure is the most dependable way to establish permanent injury and unlock non-economic damages. After repeal there is no threshold at all — but surgery still does the other job it has always done in an injury claim: it multiplies the settlement value. Documented operative findings, hardware, scarring and a surgeon's permanency opinion turn a modest soft-tissue claim into a large one.

That is the whole engine. Remove the medical gatekeeper, remove the threshold, and you have converted a system that pays medical bills quickly into a system that generates lawsuits — where the size of the payout rises with the number of procedures performed. The people who do well under that arrangement are bodily-injury firms, high-volume surgical practices, and the litigation-funded medical networks that connect them. Florida drivers are not on that list. They are the ones writing the premium check.

Which raises a fair question about who is allowed to write this bill.

We are not going to repeat unverified claims about any legislator's family or private finances. This page does not traffic in that. But there is a legitimate standard question, and it applies to every member equally:

If a legislator has a financial relationship — employment, ownership, income, or significant campaign support — with a trial firm, a surgical practice, or a litigation-driven medical network that would profit from mandatory bodily injury coverage, should that legislator be sponsoring the bill?

Florida already has the tools to answer this. Every member files a Form 6 full and public disclosure of financial interests, naming employers and sources of income. Every contribution is reported to the Division of Elections. Both are public records, and both are searchable today.

So the ask is simple, and it is the same ask we make of the Governor's race. Rep. Weinberger and Sen. Grall should state plainly, on the record, whether they or their immediate families derive income from any entity that stands to gain from repeal — and if the answer is yes, they should say why recusal is not warranted. Sen. Grall has already acknowledged that her legal practice in catastrophic injury and collision cases informs her work on this bill. That is a start. Voters deserve the complete picture from both sponsors before the 2027 session, not after the bill has moved.

Disclosure is not an accusation. It is the cheapest thing an elected official can offer, and refusing it is the only thing that would make any of this look worse than it does.

Five questions for the next Governor of Florida

At a campaign stop in Delray Beach on September 2 — 62 days before the election — the Republican nominee said he had not decided the future of PIP coverage and would study the auto insurance market the way he intends to study homeowners. That is a fair answer in January of a first term. It is a thin answer from someone who chaired the Florida House Insurance and Banking Subcommittee and who may have a repeal bill on his desk within four months of taking office.

We are not asking him to take our side. We are asking him to answer.

1

Which study? Your own party's Governor already commissioned it.

It is called The Impact of Repealing Personal Injury Protection Coverage in Florida, by Pinnacle Actuarial Resources, ordered by the Office of Insurance Regulation and delivered June 14, 2021. It found premiums rise 13.3% overall and as much as 77.2% for minimum-coverage drivers. Governor DeSantis read it and vetoed the bill. The rate filings since then are public too. Name the document you have not yet read, and name the date you will have read it.

2

Was the 2021 veto right or wrong?

Governor DeSantis vetoed this exact policy and endorsed you on September 1. You have run on continuing his record. Would you have signed SB 54? A candidate can continue a record or reverse it, but not both quietly.

3

If PIP goes, what stands between a driver and an open-ended medical bill?

PIP is not just a payment mechanism. It is the point where someone independent decides whether continued treatment is medically necessary. Remove it without a replacement and that decision moves to the courtroom. Name the gatekeeper you would put in its place.

4

Who is funding the push for repeal — on every side?

Repeal is worth a great deal of money to bodily-injury firms and to litigation-driven medical networks. It is worth money to insurers on the other side. Both sets of checks are public record. Publish what your campaign and your affiliated committees have received from each, and let Florida drivers weigh it themselves. We are not alleging anything here. We are asking for disclosure, which is the cheapest thing any candidate can offer and the fastest way to end a rumor.

5

Will you hold repeal to the same evidence standard your predecessor was held to?

Governor DeSantis did not ask Floridians to take his word that rates would fall. He put the filings on the table. If a repeal bill reaches your desk in 2027, will you require its sponsors to produce actuarial evidence that rates keep declining after repeal — before you sign, not after? And will you commit now that you will not sign any repeal that lacks an independent medical necessity determination to replace the gatekeeper you would be removing?

Repeal without a replacement and without proof is not reform. It is an undo button on a market that is currently working.

There are still only two paths.

We do not care which one the Legislature and the Governor choose. We care that whichever one they choose has a medical safeguard in it. Everything below works under either.

Path one

Keep PIP. Fix what is broken.

PIP was built to get medical care paid quickly after a crash while holding down lawsuits and keeping costs predictable. It largely does that. What it does badly is police itself.

The abuse is not mysterious. It runs through paper-only determinations, evaluators with a financial stake in the outcome, treatment that continues without anyone checking whether it should, and justifications written after the billing.

  • Require a real examination for the determinations that matter — in person or by secure telemedicine
  • End paper-only peer review
  • Require evaluators with no financial or referral relationship to the case
  • Set a clear standard for when medical necessity ends for reimbursement purposes

Modernizes PIP without repealing it, and restores the basic trust that medical decisions are being driven by medicine rather than by billing.

Path two

Repeal PIP. Replace it correctly.

The Legislature has the authority to repeal. That is a legitimate policy choice and we do not contest it.

What Florida drivers cannot afford is repeal with nothing in its place. Take away the medical gatekeeper and disputes do not disappear — they relocate to litigation, where they cost more and take years.

  • An Independent Medical Necessity Determination required by law past an initial course of care
  • In person or by telemedicine
  • No insurer-ordered or insurer-selected exams
  • No paper-only reviews
  • A clear reimbursement cutoff once medical necessity ends

Keeps access to care while establishing medical truth before money, which is what prevents both runaway costs and endless disputes.

Two paths. One standard: medical integrity and consumer protection.

The safeguard, in statutory language

This was drafted for the 2026 session and did not get filed before the deadline. It is published here so that no one in 2027 can say a workable alternative was never on the table. It is short, it is neutral, and it is available to any member who wants to file it.

TriggerRequired by operation of law past the initial course of care — not by insurer request
EvaluatorNo financial, employment, referral, or treatment relationship with either side
MethodDirect examination, in person or by telemedicine. A records review does not count
CostCapped at $300, paid by the insurer, never billed to the claimant, never reduces policy limits
FinalityNo retroactive paperwork to reverse a finding of no medical necessity
LimitsDoes not restrict care, does not let insurers direct treatment, does not affect liability or damages claims
Read the draft section in full

The two members who will most likely file it again

We are not making allegations about anyone's private life or family. We are pointing at the public legislative record, which is enough.

Rep. Meg Weinberger

House District 94

Co-sponsored HB 1181 in 2025 and carried HB 769 in 2026. Both would have ended the PIP requirement and replaced it with mandatory bodily-injury coverage. Neither included an independent medical necessity safeguard.

The open question for 2027 is straightforward: will the next version include one?

Sen. Erin Grall

Senate District 29

Has filed or co-sponsored repeal in 2017, 2021, 2023, 2025 and 2026 — the longest-running push of its kind in the Legislature. She is also a practicing attorney whose work focuses on catastrophic injury and vehicle collision cases, and she has said publicly that this gives her unique knowledge and perspective in this area of law.

That is her own description, not ours. Voters can decide whether a decade of persistence on a bill that repeatedly failed reflects conviction, expertise, or interest. All three are possible. The record is what it is.

Neither sponsor has produced an actuarial analysis showing that repeal lowers what Florida drivers pay. The only independent study the state ever commissioned — Pinnacle's June 2021 report for OIR — found premiums would rise. Across four refilings since, neither sponsor has asked OIR for a new one. The Legislature's own staff analysis of HB 1181 says so plainly. If a study supporting repeal exists, publish it. We will link to it here without editing a word.

Florida has had this argument before

These were made during the last serious repeal push. Watch them and note how little has changed about either the promises or the gaps.

SB 54 and the veto

The prior attempt to repeal PIP, and the consumer-protection concerns that stopped it.

The warning, part two

What removing the no-fault system without safeguards actually does to costs and litigation.

Answer the question before you ask for the signature.

Keep PIP or repeal it. But do not remove the medical gatekeeper and leave Florida drivers with nothing in its place.